I heard the term “left melancholy” used for the first time the other day. It startled me. I’m familiar with the concept of racial melancholia, but had never thought to extend it to politics, and as soon as I heard the term “left melancholy” my ears kinda burned, because it’s an easy and habitual (and, I think, learned) stance for me and a lot of other people. “Left melancholy” is a perspective that assumes all progressive agendas to be somehow ideologically or methodologically co-opted or tainted from the outset, and so results in considerable energy being devoted to a critique of any possible progressive project before it even gets underway. I do that a lot, and it shuts down avenues for productive change.
At the same time, I can’t believe there’s no place for critique, and especially not in so relentlessly positive and instrumentally-minded a field as computers and composition. Critique, while it shuts down avenues for agency, simultaneously establishes an alternative language within which one might imagine possibilities for positive change. I think about Christianity in the West and what it offered in terms of a space for redemption and rehabilitation, and the connection of that space to what Foucault talks about in Discipline and Punish, and what the combination of both of those factors mean for my brother as he serves his sentence. One couldn’t enact prison as rehabilitation if one hadn’t thought it. This is the problem for those who contend that theory is meaningless, and that practice and policy are the only ways to make change: you can’t think outside the current problematic situation if you don’t theorize it in some way. Those who would contend otherwise would do well to revisit Plato and Aristotle, Erasmus and More, Hobbes and Descartes, Kant and Rousseau, Marx and Rawls.
So, well, OK, that’s all highfalutin and whatnot. Here’s the small thing I’m working on tonight: Colin Williams, in “A Critical Evaluation of the Commodification Thesis” (2002, The Sociological Review), sets as his mission the pointing-out of “large economic spaces [. . .] where alternative economic relations and motives prevail” (525) in order to demonstrate that “there exist large alternative economic spaces of self-provisioning, non-monetised exchange and monetised exchange where the profit motive is absent” (526). Once again, there are other ways to think about things — and what Williams is talking about applies to the university, too, Bunky.
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